Barriers to Growth
Poverty
Absolute vs. Relative Poverty
Absolute poverty refers to a condition where individuals cannot afford basic necessities (food, Shelter, clean water). The World Bank’s international poverty line was USD 2.15 per day (2017 PPP) For extreme poverty.
Relative poverty defines poverty in relation to the economic status of other members of society. A common definition is living below of the median household income.
Causes of Poverty
- Low economic growth: stagnant economies fail to generate employment and rising incomes
- Inequality: unequal distribution of wealth and opportunity traps people in poverty
- Lack of human capital: insufficient education and skills limit employability
- Geographical factors: landlocked countries, tropical climates, and susceptibility to natural disasters hinder development
- Institutional failure: corruption, poor governance, and lack of property rights
- Demographic pressures: high population growth can dilute per capita resources
- Conflict and political instability: destroy infrastructure, displace populations, and deter investment
The Poverty Trap
A poverty trap is a self-reinforcing mechanism that perpetuates poverty. Low income leads to low Savings, which limits investment in human and physical capital, which in turn keeps productivity and Income low. Breaking the trap requires a “big push” — a large, coordinated investment in health, Education, and infrastructure.
Debt
The Debt Problem
Many developing countries carry high levels of external debt — debt owed to foreign creditors (governments, multilateral institutions, commercial banks). Servicing this debt (interest payments And principal repayment) diverts scarce government resources away from health, education, and Infrastructure.
Indicators of debt sustainability:
- Debt-to-GDP ratio: total debt as a percentage of GDP
- Debt service-to-export ratio: the proportion of export earnings used to service debt (a ratio above — is often considered burdensome)
Causes of the Debt Crisis
- Borrowing at variable interest rates that subsequently rose (e.g., the 1970s oil shocks, Volcker interest rate hikes)
- Borrowing for unproductive projects or military spending
- Declining terms of trade for commodity exporters
- Currency depreciation increasing the local-currency burden of foreign-denominated debt
- Corruption and capital flight
Debt Relief
- Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) Initiative: launched by the IMF and World Bank in 1996 to provide debt relief to the world’s poorest countries, conditional on implementing poverty reduction strategies
- Multilateral Debt Relief Initiative (MDRI): extended HIPC by providing additional relief on multilateral debt
- Debt restructuring: renegotiating terms (lower interest rates, longer maturities, partial forgiveness)
- Debt-for-nature swaps: creditors cancel debt in exchange for environmental conservation commitments
Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs)
The IMF and World Bank have historically attached conditions to loans and debt relief, requiring Borrowing countries to implement structural adjustment policies:
- Fiscal austerity (reducing government spending and deficits)
- Trade liberalisation (removing tariffs and quotas)
- Privatisation of state-owned enterprises
- Deregulation of markets
- Flexible exchange rates
Criticism: SAPs often exacerbated poverty by cutting social spending, weakened public services, and Prioritised debt repayment over development.
Harrod-Domar and Lewis Models (HL Extension)
The Harrod-Domar Growth Model
The Harrod-Domar model provides a framework for understanding the relationship between savings, Investment, and economic growth in developing countries.
Core equation:
Where is the growth rate of GDP, is the savings rate (), and is the incremental Capital-output ratio (ICOR, or ).
Derivation:
In equilibrium, saving equals investment: . Saving is a constant fraction of income: . Investment equals the capital stock required to produce additional output: .
Policy implications for developing countries:
- Increase the savings rate: through fiscal discipline, financial sector development, and attracting foreign capital
- Reduce the ICOR: by improving the efficiency of investment (better project selection, reducing corruption, investing in appropriate technology)
- Foreign aid and borrowing: if domestic savings are insufficient, foreign capital can fill the gap (the “financing gap” approach)
Two-gap model: Chenery and Strout (1966) extended the model to identify two constraints:
- Savings gap: the difference between the investment required for the target growth rate and the available domestic savings
- Foreign exchange gap: the difference between the imports required for investment and the available export earnings plus foreign capital inflows
The binding constraint determines whether a country needs savings-focused or export-promoting Policies.
Limitations of the Harrod-Domar model:
- Assumes a fixed capital-output ratio (no factor substitution or technological progress)
- Ignores the role of labour and human capital
- Implies unstable growth (the “knife-edge” problem: small deviations from the warranted growth rate lead to cumulative divergence)
- Does not account for demand-side constraints (savings may not translate into productive investment)
- Empirical evidence on the stability of the ICOR is mixed
The Lewis Dual-Sector Model
Arthur Lewis (1954) described the process of development as the transfer of labour from a Low-productivity traditional sector to a high-productivity modern sector.
Model assumptions:
- The economy consists of two sectors:
- Traditional sector (agriculture): characterised by surplus labour, subsistence wages, and near-zero marginal product of labour
- Modern sector (industry): characterised by profit-maximising firms, higher productivity, and wages above the subsistence level
- The modern sector wage is a fixed premium above the subsistence wage (e.g., 30% higher)
- Profits in the modern sector are reinvested, expanding the capital stock
- The supply of labour from the traditional sector is perfectly elastic at the subsistence wage (as long as surplus labour exists)
The development process:
- The modern sector offers wages above subsistence, attracting workers from the traditional sector
- Since the marginal product of labour in the traditional sector is near zero, transferring workers does not reduce traditional sector output
- The modern sector reinvests profits, expanding its capital stock and absorbing more workers
- This process continues until surplus labour is exhausted (the Lewis turning point)
- After the turning point, wages rise in both sectors and the economy enters the neoclassical growth phase
Growth dynamics:
The growth rate of the modern sector equals the profit rate times the share of profits reinvested:
Where is total profits and is the fraction of profits reinvested.
Relevance to East Asian development:
The Lewis model helps explain the rapid growth of East Asian economies (South Korea, Taiwan, Singapore, Hong Kong) from the 1960s onward:
- Abundant surplus labour in agriculture provided a pool of low-cost workers for manufacturing
- High profits in export-oriented industries were reinvested in expanding capacity
- Governments supported the process through education, infrastructure, and industrial policy
- The Lewis turning point was reached in the 1980s—1990s, after which wages rose rapidly
Limitations:
- Assumes surplus labour exists (not the case in all developing countries, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa)
- Assumes profits are reinvested (capital flight, corruption, and elite consumption may reduce reinvestment)
- Ignores urban unemployment (the Harris-Todaro model shows that rural-urban migration can create urban unemployment)
- Does not account for agricultural productivity growth (which is essential for feeding growing urban populations)
- Assumes constant technology and no institutional change
The Harris-Todaro Model
Harris and Todaro (1970) extended Lewis by explaining why urban unemployment coexists with Rural-urban migration:
Where is expected urban income, is rural income, is the probability of finding an urban job, and and are urban and rural wages respectively.
Migration occurs when the expected urban wage exceeds the rural wage, even if actual urban unemployment is high. This explains why cities in developing countries often have large informal sectors with underemployed migrants.
Policy implication: creating more urban jobs may actually increase urban unemployment by attracting more rural migrants than the number of jobs created. The solution requires simultaneously developing rural areas (raising ) and creating urban employment.
Structural Change and Industrialisation Strategies (HL Extension)
Import Substitution Industrialisation (ISI)
ISI involves replacing imported manufactured goods with domestically produced substitutes, using Tariffs, quotas, and subsidies to protect infant industries.
Phases:
- Primary ISI: production of non-durable consumer goods (textiles, footwear, food processing)
- Secondary ISI: production of intermediate goods and capital goods (steel, chemicals, machinery)
Outcomes:
- Initial success in building domestic industrial capacity
- Over time, inefficiencies emerged due to lack of competition, small domestic market size, and dependence on imported capital goods
- Balance of payments problems: ISI required importing machinery and technology, creating trade deficits
- Widening inequality: benefits concentrated among industrialists and urban workers
- Largely abandoned by the 1980s in favour of export-oriented strategies
Export-Oriented Industrialisation (EOI)
EOI involves promoting exports of manufactured goods, often starting with labour-intensive products And moving up the value chain.
Key features:
- Competitive exchange rates to maintain export competitiveness
- Investment in education and infrastructure to support export industries
- Special economic zones with tax incentives and streamlined regulation
- Attraction of FDI for export-oriented production
- Gradual liberalisation of trade and capital flows
Success stories:
- South Korea: from GDP per capita of
USD 158in 1960 to overUSD 30,000today. Government actively directed credit to strategic industries (chaebols) while requiring them to meet export targets - Taiwan: leveraged SMEs and flexible manufacturing to become a global electronics hub
- Singapore: combined open trade and investment policies with massive public investment in education, housing, and infrastructure
- China: post-1978 reforms combined EOI with gradual market liberalisation, achieving sustained growth of nearly 10% per year for four decades
The Role of Institutions in Development (HL Extension)
Why Institutions Matter
Institutions — the formal and informal rules that structure economic, political, and social Interaction — are increasingly recognised as the fundamental determinant of long-run development.
Acemoglu, Johnson, and Robinson (2001): the “colonial origins” hypothesis argues that Countries where European colonisers established inclusive institutions (property rights, rule of Law, democratic governance) have achieved higher levels of development than countries where Extractive institutions (exploitation, forced labour, elite capture) were established.
Key institutional categories:
- Economic institutions: property rights, contract enforcement, competition policy, regulatory framework, financial system
- Political institutions: democracy, checks and balances, electoral systems, transparency
- Legal institutions: independence of judiciary, rule of law, anti-corruption mechanisms
- Social institutions: norms, trust, social capital, gender roles
Property Rights and Development
Secure property rights are essential for development because they:
- Provide incentives for investment (individuals reap the returns from their productive activities)
- Enable the use of property as collateral for credit (facilitating access to finance)
- Reduce transaction costs (clear ownership simplifies exchange)
- Encourage long-term planning (individuals are confident their assets will not be seized)
- Promote efficient resource allocation (property can be bought and sold to its highest-value use)
De Soto (2000): “The Mystery of Capital” argues that the poor in developing countries hold Trillions of dollars in “dead capital” — assets (homes, land, businesses) that are not Formally titled and therefore cannot be used productively in the formal economy. Formalising Property rights could unlock this capital and spur investment.
Limitations: formalisation of property rights can be problematic if:
- It displaces customary or communal land rights
- It benefits elites who capture the formalisation process
- It leads to land concentration and displacement of smallholders
Governance and Corruption
Governance refers to the traditions, institutions, and processes that determine how power is Exercised and how citizens are given a voice.
Worldwide Governance Indicators (WGI): six dimensions of governance:
- Voice and accountability
- Political stability and absence of violence
- Government effectiveness
- Regulatory quality
- Rule of law
- Control of corruption
Corruption undermines development through:
- Distortion of incentives: resources are allocated based on bribes rather than efficiency
- Erosion of trust: corruption reduces social capital and trust in institutions
- Increased costs: bribes act as an additional tax on investment
- Misallocation of resources: public spending is directed toward projects that generate kickbacks rather than social returns
- Reduced foreign investment: corruption increases the risk and cost of doing business
- Inequality: corruption disproportionately harms the poor, who cannot afford to bribe
Common Pitfalls in Institutional Analysis
- Assuming that institutions can be transplanted from one country to another. Institutions are path-dependent and embedded in historical, cultural, and social contexts
- Confusing formal institutions (laws on the books) with effective institutions (actual enforcement). Many developing countries have good laws but poor enforcement
- Assuming that democracy automatically leads to development. Some authoritarian regimes have achieved rapid development (e.g., Singapore, South Korea under military rule), though long-run sustainability is debated
- Overstating the role of institutions. Geography, natural resources, and historical contingency also matter
Dual Economy Models (HL Extension)
Lewis Two-Sector Model: Formal Treatment
Arthur Lewis (1954) modelled economic development as a process of labour transfer from a Traditional agricultural sector to a modern industrial sector.
Assumptions:
- The economy has two sectors: traditional (agriculture) and modern (industry)
- The traditional sector has surplus labour: the marginal product of labour () is zero or near-zero, so labour can be withdrawn without reducing output
- The modern sector pays a wage (the agricultural wage), determined by the institutional wage (not marginal product)
- Profits in the modern sector are reinvested, expanding capital stock and absorbing more labour
- The modern sector is profit-maximising; the traditional sector is subsistence-oriented
Formal model:
Modern sector production function: where is capital and is labour.
Firms maximise profit:
FOC: (MPL = wage)
Capital accumulation: where is the savings rate out of profits.
The labour transfer continues until surplus labour is exhausted (the Lewis turning point), After which wages in both sectors are determined by marginal product.
Before the turning point:
- Modern sector wage is constant at where is the wage premium ( 30—50%) reflecting urban costs, transition costs, and bargaining
- Profits grow as capital accumulates and more labour is absorbed
- The functional distribution of income shifts from labour to capital (profits rise faster than wages)
After the turning point:
- Modern sector wages rise as labour becomes scarce
- The economy enters the neoclassical phase: wages equal MPL in both sectors
- Profit rates may fall as wages rise, potentially slowing capital accumulation
Empirical evidence:
China may have reached its Lewis turning point around 2010, when:
- Rural surplus labour was largely exhausted
- Manufacturing wages began rising rapidly (approximately 15% per year, 2010—2015)
- Coastal factories reported persistent labour shortages
- The share of national income going to labour began rising after decades of decline
Harris-Todaro Model
The Harris-Todaro model (1970) explains why urban unemployment persists even as rural workers Migrate to cities.
Key insight: migration is driven by the expected urban wage, not the actual wage:
Where is urban employment, is urban unemployment, and is the urban wage.
Migration equilibrium:
Workers migrate until the expected urban wage equals the agricultural wage.
Numerical example:
Agricultural wage per day. Urban wage per day.
Migration equilibrium:
Even with two-thirds urban unemployment, workers will migrate because the expected urban wage (100) equals the agricultural wage.
Policy implications:
- Job creation alone is insufficient: if the government creates urban jobs without addressing the wage gap, more workers migrate, and unemployment may not fall
- The Harris-Todaro paradox: creating one urban job may attract more than one migrant, potentially increasing total urban unemployment
- Rural development is essential: raising reduces the incentive to migrate
- Wage subsidies in the modern sector can reduce the urban wage premium, reducing migration
Case Studies: Development Economics (HL Extension)
Botswana: Institutional Quality and Resource Management
Botswana is one of Africa’s most successful development stories, with GDP per capita growing From USD 600 (1966) to USD 7,600 (2023). Key factors:
- Institutional quality at independence: Botswana inherited pre-colonial Tswana institutions that emphasised consensus-based governance (kgotla system)
- Resource management: the 1967 diamond discovery was managed through a 50-50 joint venture with De Beers, ensuring government revenue
- Pula Fund: a sovereign wealth fund that saves mineral revenues for future generations
- Fiscal discipline: government spending rules limit the use of mineral revenues
- Zero tolerance for corruption: Botswana consistently ranks among the least corrupt African countries (Transparency International CPI rank ~30)
Lesson: natural resources are not a curse if institutional quality is high. Botswana’s Success supports the Acemoglu-Robinson thesis that inclusive institutions drive development.
Bangladesh: Beyond the Bottom Billion
Bangladesh defied pessimistic predictions at independence (1971):
- GDP per capita: USD 100 (1971) to USD 2,700 (2023)
- Life expectancy: 47 years (1971) to 73 years (2023)
- Female labour force participation: 4% (1974) to 36% (2023)
- Infant mortality: 148/1,000 (1970) to 21/1,000 (2023)
Key drivers:
- Garments industry: the ready-made garments (RMG) sector grew from near-zero to 80% of exports, employing 4 million workers (mostly women)
- Microfinance: Grameen Bank and BRAC pioneered microcredit, reaching millions of households
- NGO sector: Bangladesh has one of the world’s most active NGO sectors, providing health, education, and social services
- Social indicators: despite low GDP per capita, Bangladesh outperforms India and Pakistan on many social indicators (female education, child mortality, fertility rate)
- Adaptive institutions: weak formal institutions were partially compensated by strong informal institutions and civil society
Lesson: development is multidimensional. Bangladesh achieved remarkable social progress Through grassroots institutions, even without strong formal state capacity.
Rwanda: Post-Conflict Recovery and Development
Rwanda’s GDP per capita has grown at approximately 8% per year since the 1994 genocide:
- Vision 2020: a comprehensive development strategy focused on transforming Rwanda from an agrarian to a knowledge-based economy
- Governance: strong centralised governance with zero tolerance for corruption
- Gender equality: Rwanda has the world’s highest proportion of women in parliament (61%)
- ICT investment: Rwanda aims to become an ICT hub in East Africa, investing in fibre optic networks and a smart city (Kigali Innovation City)
- Health: community-based health insurance (Mutuelles de Sante) covers over 90% of the population
Criticism: Rwanda’s development model has been criticised for:
- Limited political freedom and press freedom
- Allegations of human rights abuses
- The tension between economic modernisation and political authoritarianism raises questions about the sustainability of the model
Lesson: rapid development is possible even after devastating conflict, but the trade-off Between development and political freedom is a real concern.
Malthusian Trap and Demographic Transition (HL Extension)
The Malthusian Trap
Thomas Malthus (1798) argued that population growth tends to outstrip food production, leading To periodic famines and population collapses:
Malthus predicted that per capita income would remain at subsistence level in the long run Because any increase in income would lead to higher population growth, which would depress Wages back to subsistence.
Why Malthus was wrong (for most of the world):
- Technological progress: the Industrial Revolution and the Green Revolution dramatically increased agricultural productivity
- Demographic transition: as incomes rise, fertility rates fall (the demographic transition), breaking the Malthusian link between income and population
- Substitution: technological progress allows substitution away from scarce resources
- Trade: international trade allows food-importing countries to access food from food-surplus countries
The Demographic Transition Model
Stage 1 (High stationary): high birth rates, high death rates, low population growth. Pre-industrial societies.
Stage 2 (Early expanding): death rates fall (due to improvements in medicine, sanitation, Food supply) while birth rates remain high. Population grows rapidly.
Stage 3 (Late expanding): birth rates fall (due to urbanisation, female education, Family planning, higher opportunity cost of children). Population growth slows.
Stage 4 (Low stationary): low birth rates, low death rates, low or negative population growth. Most developed economies are in this stage.
Stage 5 (Declining): some countries (Japan, Germany, Italy) have very low fertility rates (below replacement level of 2.1) and population decline.
Numerical example: Country X has the following demographic data:
| Stage | Birth rate (per 1,000) | Death rate (per 1,000) | Natural increase |
|---|---|---|---|
| Stage 1 | 40 | 38 | 2 per 1,000 (0.2%) |
| Stage 2 | 40 | 15 | 25 per 1,000 (2.5%) |
| Stage 3 | 20 | 10 | 10 per 1,000 (1.0%) |
| Stage 4 | 12 | 11 | 1 per 1,000 (0.1%) |
| Stage 5 | 8 | 12 | -4 per 1,000 (-0.4%) |
The demographic dividend occurs during late Stage 2 and Stage 3, when the working-age Population grows faster than the dependent population (children and elderly), providing a Window for accelerated economic growth.
The Demographic Dividend
The demographic dividend is the economic growth potential that arises from a favourable Age structure (a large working-age population relative to dependents).
Conditions for realising the dividend:
- Human capital investment: the growing workforce must be educated and skilled
- Job creation: the economy must create enough employment for the growing workforce
- Female labour force participation: policies that enable women to work (childcare, flexible work) amplify the dividend
- Sound economic policies: macroeconomic stability, trade openness, and investment climate are prerequisites
Numerical example: East Asia’s demographic dividend (1965—1990):
- Working-age population grew at 2.5% per year
- Dependency ratio fell from 80% to 50%
- Bloom and Williamson (1998) estimate that the demographic dividend accounted for 1.0—1.5 percentage points of East Asia’s 6—7% annual growth during this period
Risk of demographic trap: if countries fail to create jobs for the growing workforce, The demographic dividend becomes a demographic burden (youth unemployment, social unrest, Political instability). This is the challenge facing many sub-Saharan African countries today.
Industrial Policy and Structural Transformation (HL Extension)
What is Industrial Policy?
Industrial policy refers to government interventions aimed at promoting specific sectors, Industries, or technologies that are believed to have positive externalities or strategic Importance.
Types of industrial policy:
- Horizontal policies: broad-based measures that apply to all sectors (e.g., investment in education, infrastructure, R&D tax credits)
- Vertical policies: targeted measures for specific industries (e.g., subsidies for renewable energy, protection for infant industries)
- Mission-oriented policies: policies focused on solving specific societal challenges (e.g., climate change, public health)
The Infant Industry Argument
Alexander Hamilton (1791) and Friedrich List (1841) argued that new industries in developing Countries need temporary protection from established foreign competitors until they achieve Economies of scale and learning curve effects.
Conditions for successful infant industry protection:
- Dynamic comparative advantage: the industry must have the potential to become competitive after the protection period
- Learning by doing: costs must fall significantly as cumulative output increases
- Temporary protection: tariffs or subsidies must be phased out as the industry matures
- Reversible commitment: the government must credibly commit to removing protection
- No rent-seeking: the industry must use the protection to invest in productivity, not to earn monopoly profits
Formal model:
The learning curve:
Where is the learning rate parameter. If A doubling of cumulative Output reduces unit costs by approximately .
Numerical example:
A solar panel manufacturer in Country Z has current costs of USD 0.50/W. World price is USD 0.30/W. Without protection, the firm cannot compete.
With a 67% tariff (raising the domestic price of imports to USD 0.50/W), the firm can sell and Accumulate production. The learning rate is .
After producing 1 GW of panels: After producing 10 GW: After producing 100 GW:
At 100 GW of cumulative production, the firm’s cost (USD 0.199/W) is below the world price. Protection can be removed.
Cost to consumers during protection: the tariff raises prices by USD 0.20/W on all imports. If domestic demand is 5 GW/year, the annual consumer cost billion.
Net benefit after protection: the firm produces at USD 0.199/W vs. Importing at USD 0.30/W, A saving of USD 0.101/W. If annual production is 5 GW: annual saving million.
East Asian Industrial Policy: Lessons
South Korea (1960s—1990s):
- Export-led industrialisation: the government provided subsidised credit, tax incentives, and infrastructure to export-oriented industries
- Chaebol system: large diversified conglomerates (Samsung, Hyundai, LG) received government support in exchange for meeting export targets
- Human capital: massive investment in education (secondary enrolment rose from 27% to 88% between 1960 and 1990)
- Technology transfer: government-sponsored reverse engineering and licensing agreements
Evaluation: South Korea’s industrial policy is widely regarded as successful, but critics Note that:
- The chaebol system created monopolistic market structures and political cronyism
- The 1997 Asian financial crisis exposed the fragility of debt-financed industrial policy
- It is unclear whether the policy caused growth or accelerated what market forces would have achieved anyway
China (1978—present):
- Special Economic Zones (SEZs): Shenzhen and other SEZs offered tax breaks, relaxed regulation, and infrastructure to attract FDI
- State-owned enterprises (SOEs): strategic sectors (energy, telecommunications, banking) remain state-controlled
- “Made in China 2025”: a plan to upgrade manufacturing capabilities in 10 strategic sectors (robotics, aerospace, biotechnology, etc.)
Evaluation: China’s industrial policy has driven rapid growth but at the cost of:
- Massive overcapacity in steel, solar panels, and cement
- SOE inefficiency and debt accumulation
- Trade tensions with the US and EU over subsidies and market access
Criticisms of Industrial Policy
- Government failure: governments lack the information to pick winning industries. Political considerations often override economic efficiency (subsidising politically connected firms rather than the most promising ones)
- Rent-seeking: industrial policy creates opportunities for firms to lobby for subsidies rather than invest in innovation
- Opportunity cost: resources directed to favoured industries are diverted from other potentially more productive uses
- International trade rules: WTO rules restrict the use of industrial policy tools (subsidies, local content requirements)
- Infant industries that never grow up: protection often becomes entrenched, and the industry remains uncompetitive
Financial Development and Growth (HL Extension)
The Finance-Growth Nexus
Financial development contributes to economic growth through several channels:
- Mobilising savings: well-functioning financial systems pool savings from dispersed households, enabling large-scale investment
- Allocating capital: financial intermediaries channel savings to the most productive investments (via information gathering and risk assessment)
- Risk management: financial markets allow individuals and firms to diversify and hedge risks, encouraging entrepreneurship and investment
- Facilitating transactions: efficient payment systems reduce transaction costs, enabling specialisation and trade
- Corporate governance: financial markets provide discipline through monitoring, takeovers, and performance-based compensation
Measuring Financial Development
- M2/GDP: broad money as a share of GDP (measures financial depth)
- Private credit/GDP: credit to the private sector as a share of GDP (measures financial intermediation)
- Stock market capitalisation/GDP: measures equity market development
- Bank branches per 100,000 adults: measures financial access
Threshold Effects
The relationship between financial development and growth may be non-linear. Above a certain Threshold of institutional quality, financial development promotes growth. Below this Threshold, financial development may lead to crises (as in the 2008 financial crisis).
Numerical example:
A cross-country regression estimates:
Country C: Private credit/GDP Institution quality .
Growth .
Country D: Private credit/GDP Institution quality .
Growth .
Same level of financial development (40% private credit/GDP) but different growth outcomes (3.2% vs. 2.2%) due to institutional quality. In Country D, weak institutions reduce the Growth benefit of financial development.
Policy implication: financial liberalisation (expanding credit, developing capital markets) Should be sequenced after institutional reform (strengthening regulation, improving governance). Premature financial liberalisation in countries with weak institutions can lead to banking Crises (as in the 1997 Asian financial crisis).
Microfinance: Impact Evaluation
Randomised controlled trials of microfinance:
- Banerjee et al. (2015, Hyderabad, India): microfinance had modest positive effects on business activity but no significant impact on consumption, health, or education after 3.5 years. Average loan size was USD 150.
- Karlan and Zinman (2011, Philippines): microentrepreneurs who received loans had higher business profits but no improvement in household income or well-being
- Crepon et al. (2015, Morocco): microfinance expanded business activity but did not increase average consumption
Overall assessment: microfinance is not a “silver bullet” for poverty reduction. It Provides useful financial services (savings, insurance, credit) to populations that lack Access to formal banking, but its impact on poverty and development outcomes is modest.
The Resource Curse: Extended Analysis (HL Extension)
Channels of the Resource Curse
- Dutch disease: resource exports appreciate the exchange rate, making manufacturing less competitive. Manufacturing is important for learning, innovation, and productivity growth, so its decline reduces long-run growth prospects
- Volatility: commodity prices are highly volatile (20—30% annual standard deviation for oil), creating boom-bust cycles in government revenue and fiscal policy
- Institutions: resource rents create rent-seeking opportunities, weakening institutions and incentivising corruption. Resource-rich countries may develop “extractive” rather than “inclusive” institutions (Acemoglu and Robinson, 2012)
- Conflict: resource wealth can fuel civil conflict (especially diamonds, oil, and minerals in weak states), destroying physical and human capital
- Human capital neglect: resource-rich economies may underinvest in education because the resource sector generates income without a skilled workforce
Why Some Countries Avoid the Curse
Botswana: strong institutions, sovereign wealth fund (Pula Fund), transparent diamond revenue Management, counter-cyclical fiscal policy
Norway: Government Pension Fund Global (the world’s largest sovereign wealth fund, USD 1.5 Trillion), strict fiscal rule (spend only 3% of fund value per year), transparent management
Chile: Structural Balance Rule (cyclically-adjusted fiscal target), Education and Stabilisation Fund (saved copper revenues during booms), transparent copper revenue management
Common factors: all three countries have strong democratic institutions, transparent fiscal Management, counter-cyclical policies, and sovereign wealth funds.
The Prebisch-Singer Hypothesis
The Prebisch-Singer hypothesis (1950) states that the terms of trade for primary commodity Exporters tend to decline over time relative to manufactured goods exporters.
Evidence: the terms of trade for non-fuel commodity exporters declined by approximately 1% Per year between 1900 and 2010 (Hadass and Williamson, 2003). However, the trend is not Monotonic: commodity super-cycles (2000—2011) temporarily reversed the decline.
Implications: if the hypothesis holds, commodity-exporting developing countries face a Secular deterioration in their purchasing power, making industrial diversification even more Important. However, the hypothesis is debated: some studies find no significant long-run trend, And the recent commodity super-cycle suggests that demand from emerging markets (especially China) may have structurally increased commodity prices.
Worked Examples
Example 1: Harrod-Domar Model
A country has a savings rate () of 15% and a capital-output ratio () of 3.
The economy grows at 5% per year. To achieve 7% growth:
The savings rate must increase to 21% (or foreign aid must fill the savings gap of 6% of GDP).
Example 2: Dual Economy (Lewis Model)
An economy has a traditional agricultural sector with 1,000 workers producing 2,000 units of output (average product = 2). The industrial sector pays a wage of 3 units.
Workers can be transferred from agriculture to industry as long as the marginal product of labour in agriculture is below the industrial wage. The surplus generated funds industrial investment, driving structural transformation.
Summary
- Barriers to growth include the poverty trap, debt overhang, institutional failure, and demographic pressures
- The Harrod-Domar model links growth to savings rates and capital-output ratio:
- The Lewis model describes structural transformation from a traditional to a modern sector
- Dual economy models highlight the coexistence of formal and informal sectors
- The resource curse describes how natural resource wealth can hinder development through Dutch disease, corruption, and conflict
- Debt relief (HIPC initiative) aims to break the debt trap for heavily indebted poor countries
- Key diagrams: poverty trap cycle, Lewis model labour transfer, Harrod-Domar savings-investment gap
Common Pitfalls
- Confusing terminology or concepts that appear similar but have distinct meanings.
- Overlooking key assumptions or boundary conditions that limit applicability.